Religionsgeschichte pdf

The games were sponsored as an 9 effective means of alleviating tensions in relations with the gods and preventing 10 further catastrophic military defeats or plagues. For this end the very best was 11 just barely good enough. The spectators could observe this process taking place 12 in increasing extravagance and professionalisation of the agents involved which 13 went hand in hand. Authors formed an official Roman club collegium 14 poetarum in the second half of the third century, and even before that 15 professional troupes of actors could be won from the more intensely Hellenised 16 areas of Italy.

Similar processes of professionalisation can be observed among the 17 chariot drivers, even though evidence for the cult of the winner of chariot races 18 can only be found in the Imperial Period. Scattered and mostly late sources for 19 the Late Republic indicate these professionals functioning as the groups to 20 whom the spectators turned with their expressions of approval or disapproval.

Chariot races completely dominated the games in the Imperial Period and 32 into late antiquity. Their attraction probably arose not out of the unified 33 opinion of the spectators, but from the differing preferences for specific drivers 34 or parties. This is admittedly hypothetical, but one can 36 37 41 See especially E. The entire spectrum of Italic and Greek production was received, 8 starting with statues and paintings.

This goes for Greek libraries as well. Roman 11 aristocrats were enthusiastic about the technique of bronze casting already at the 12 end of the fourth century. Dramatic performances of every kind were translated or 14 adapted, such as the Oscan Atellana, New Comedy, tragedies with topics from 15 Greek mythology as well as, soon enough, Roman history. The latter, the 16 Praetexta, was a genre which was destined to play a subordinate role and which 17 mostly disappeared with the Republic.

Specific contemporary relevance or a close connection to 20 the respective holiday do not at first view play any significant role. This 21 differentiates this type of drama clearly from that of fifth century Athenian 22 theatre. The titles and the few remaining fragments from the two earliest 23 dramatists already mentioned in Rome, Livius Andronicus and Naevius, reveal 24 mostly mythological material drawn from traditional Greek mythological cycles.

Naevius also staged plays with clearly Roman 29 topics, such as Clastidium sive Marcellus about a recent victory over the Celts 30 and a Lupus and Romulus. Manuwald Ed. Staging history produced a number of practical problems; see M. Erasmo, Roman Tragedy. Theatre to Theatricality Austin 52 — For the exception of the Octavia 40 praetexta see P. Suerbaum, Archaische Literatur see note 35 , Band, 1 pieces by Plautus or Terence from the following decades confirm the impression 2 left by these titles: plots are set in a Greek world, even when the problems they 3 treat are clearly marked by Rome.

The forms and objects of entertain- 5 ment are ethnically marked in a multitude of ways. It must have been clear to 6 the majority of spectators that they were consuming Greek in the broadest 7 sense of the word entertainment, products from a culture perceived as superior 8 in this regard and therefore attractive. There is another side to this: Rome 9 imported these products often enough against the will of their author or maker. In most 12 cases the entertainment was connected to celebration of a military victory or its 13 commemoration.

It was, above all, Greek narrative 16 traditions which really dominated the Mediterranean world, and which, with 17 the gods moving about in stories, exiles founding cities or adventurous military 18 expeditions, gave the coastal cities of the Mediterranean a genealogy, a place in 19 Greek history. Thus Rome is understood to have been founded, as Varro worked 20 out on the basis of these traditions, four-hundred and thirty years after the fall 21 of Troy. It is the 23 24 gods with Roman names, not Zeus but Jupiter, not Hera but Juno, not Ares, but 25 Mars, who received a history, a genealogy, within the plays.

Even the demanding 26 and destructive god Dionysus of the Lycurgos was a god so native that his 27 followers only a short time later, in , were suspected of being members of a 28 mass movement to overthrow the state. For the fictitious place of the dramatic scenes see J. The play out of context: transferring plays from culture to culture Cambridge, 99 — ; here f. Flaig, Politik see note 14 — Another example is Roman historiography which 2 began in the same generation with the work of Fabius Pictor, written in Greek.

The epic was most probably recited 4 at upper-class banquets,50 while, considering that the language of historiography 5 was only changed to Latin in the second third of the second century, private 6 reading is the most probable form for its reception. The exclusivity of both types 7 of texts makes clear that history lessons in Rome took place in the theatre.

Here 9 the problems of ordinary Roman people are being played out, literally, in Greek 10 costumes. Thus it comes as no surprise that allusions to daily political 13 life occur in this context rather than in the tragedies,53 and that these texts, 14 rather than high tragedy, have survived. However, it was not local colour but the 15 universalisation that was achieved here which was decisive.

That may sound a 16 bit much to attribute to performances which primarily served as light 17 entertainment, but we must not forget that even as light entertainment, just 18 as much as in the soothing of anger, the pieces had to fulfil the standards of 19 graecified gods.

Until now, we have 25 been reconstructing those spaces in which public communication offered room 26 for systematisation at all. The priority was to allow the norms of discourse which 27 structured communication within these spaces to become visible. These norms 28 allowed for or even awarded room for rationalisation under certain circum- 29 stances only. Moore, The Theatre of Plautus. Playing to the Audience Austin, ; here p. Band, 1 as it allows a clearer evaluation of the degree of reflexivity of such 2 rationalisations.

With regard to religion, the spectrum of intensified forms of 3 systematisation reaches all the way to the known texts of the end of the Republic 4 in the first century BC. Engagement with cultically and politically relevant 19 institutions like divination and the holidays of the Roman year is at the 20 forefront.

Therefor C. Darm- 29 stadt Cardauns, M. Terentius Varro, Antiquitates rerum 31 divinarum. Akademie der Wissenschaften und der 32 Literatur, Mainz, Abhandlungen der Geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse 1 33 Wiesbaden Degrassi Ed. Fasciculus 2: Fasti anni Numani et Iuliani, accedunt ferialia, menologia 36 rustica, parapegmata. For literature de fastis see in detail J. The validity of religious assumptions is examined on 6 the basis of non-religious premises and evidence.

The criteria of evidence are dependent on the 9 social and cultural context. Plausibility, a core topic of classical rhetoric, is not 10 least of all dependent on the person of the speaker. Still more interesting is the 11 question of what could enter the forum of argumentative conflict or become the 12 object of systematising processes at all. When Cato the Elder begins his history 13 in the first half of the second century by requiring and giving an account of the 14 whole of life, otium leisure as well as negotium business, non-leisure , this 15 indicates that standards connected with a universalising ethic were transported 16 along with the import of Greek artefacts and entertainment.

Leonhardt, Ciceros Kritik der Philosophenschulen. Moatti, Raison see note 9 ff. With a Foreword by Riccardo Di 39 Donato. Sather Classical Lectures 54 Berkeley, Moatti, Raison see note 9 , Rommel 41 Eds.

A Latin book about the ius pontificale, by Ser. Fabius Q. Pictor, 10 as Flamen Quirinalis a member of the priestly college,66 seems to represent the 11 first literary product of this type. The authors of these texts stem from 17 the senatorial class, epic excepted. Even here one cannot exclude the possibility 18 of contact with and inspiration from relevant Greek texts: apart from the 19 Attidography, which probably reveals the closest parallels, one also thinks of 20 historiography, specialist literature and aetiological poetry of a Callimachean 21 type.

Manilius, consul from BC. See E. In Dox. V 1,4 and Gal. Phil See also Kessels — , Wellmann 72 , Schrivers 13 — The imperfect soul does not deserve to see any clear visions. II The internal state of the body is not for Philo the source of dreams but definitely produces and interference in the re- ception of the message. This adaptation of the classification of dreams, also hinted at in Jamblichus, is combined with a gradation of the symbolism of dreams, which of course depends on the quality of the soul of the dreamer: the most perfect soul sees clear visions, while the soul of the dreamer who lives in the passions of life sees only an enigma, which requires the science of dream interpretation.

But this does not mean that Philo considered these dreams false. Oppenheim See also Kilborne The contents of the lost book The structures and classifications discussed above help in reconstructing the con- tents of the first lost book. The central figure must be a Patriarch considered perfect by Philo. This must be Isaac. The next step is to find a dream text from Genesis between chs. I would suggest that the text or at least one of the texts commented on in the first lost book, was Gen.

This is very hypothetical, but Philo could have had an in- ternal gradation of dreams by God, in sleep and in wakefulness, which could match spectaculum and revelation in Chalcidius more on this below. For Isaac see Fug. Reddoch rightly sug- gests the possibility that Philo included Abimelech in some way, just as the servants of the Pharaoh and Pharaoh appear together with Joseph. This opinion appears later, among others, in Goulet, 17— 18 and Dodson In his commentary, Chalcidius claims that the He- braica Philosophia agrees with the Platonic doctrine on dreams.

Chapter Somnium quidem, quod ex reliquiis commotionum animae diximus oboriri, visum vero, quod ex divina virtute legatur, admonitionem, cum angelicae bonitatis consiliis regimur atque admonemur, spectaculum, ut cum vigilantibus offert se videndam caelestis potestas clare iubens aliquid aut prohibens forma et voce mirabili, revelationem, quotiens ignorantibus sortem futuram imminentis exitus secreta panduntur.

The classification in itself presents some problems, such as the succinct explanation of the third type, which does not allow a clear distinction among the predictive types of dreams. The visum is not further explained in the way the others are in the text that follows this chapter, because it is a general class of dreams that includes three different manifestations of the divine dream.

If we then can exclude the visum as a specific type, we are left with four types of dream, instead of five, one non-predictive and three predictive, the latter of which have a common name, visum. Philo indeed takes into consideration a type of non-premonitory dreams. The match is however not complete, even if we think that the first book of Philo on Dreams is lost and there could be the clue to understanding this connexion.

Conclusions Philo of Alexandria inherited a classification of dreams from the Stoic school of thought that did not completely match the purpose of his commentary on the Biblical text of Genesis. In this work he combined this classification with other criteria, name- ly the state of the soul of the dreamer and, depending on it, the gradation in the clari- ty of the vision.

All classifications are intimately interconnected within his system. Philo does not discuss the truthfulness of these visions. They are inserted in the narrative of the book of Genesis where they all prove to be prophetic and to ultimate- ly obtain the fulfilment of the message they conveyed. The phenomenology of dreams, even in literary texts, is far wider and more com- plex than any of the classifications that we know of from antiquity.

When the three- fold classification is adapted by authors like Philo, even under a title like On Dreams, That They Are God-sent, one finds underlying assumptions operating which existed in different trends of classification: the purity of the soul as a key to clear visions and dreams, in opposition to symbolic or allegoric dreams, seen by the soul tortured by passions.

I could even add that the opposition between the states of sleep and wake- fulness plays an important role in his revised systematization. In other words, it might not be necessary or even relevant to insist on tracing particular classifications of dreams to Stoic or Neo-Platonic schools of thought. The ancient writers, like us, are simply trying to systematize too large a universe. II 78 and 97, or Jos. Behr, C. Blum, C. Brillante, C. Burnyeat, M. Colson, F. Whitaker , Philo, vol. Courcelle, P.

Del Corno, D. Dodson, D. Gruen, E. Harris, W. Kessels, A. Kilborne, B. Tedlock ed. Anthropological and Psychological Interpretations, Cambridge, — Kruger, S. Mackie, S. Mansfield, J. Algra, J. Barnes, J. Mansfield, and M. Schofield , Cambridge, — Martin, L. Miller, P. Studies in the imagination of a Culture, Princeton, Mras, K. Our readers see the books the same way that their first readers did decades or a hundred or more years ago.

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